I work for the Indonesian Ministry for Foreign Affairs with attaché diplomatic rank. An AusAID scholarship was a wonderful opportunity as a junior diplomat to continue studying at The Australian National University. The wonderful lectures and staff have created an atmosphere conducive to study.

I am interested in the diplomacy degree because I can learn a broad spectrum of diplomatic issues: what diplomacy really is; diplomatic law; challenges in diplomacy (particularly related to the operation of my Ministry); and the importance of diplomacy in conflict resolution.

A great aspect of this program is learning practical skills from practitioners in diplomacy. We practice these in the program in role plays, which are good practice as the situation is set to meet the exact atmosphere of real negotiation.

One of the most important things is getting to know my colleagues, people in the diplomatic and government fields that I might deal with in the future. I believe that the experience, knowledge and skills I acquire during my degree will be very useful for the rest of my career.

In her recent confirmation hearing before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, the new US Secretary of State, Dr Condoleezza Rice, referred to the ‘wonderful opportunity' for the United States which had been created by the tsunami which struck Indonesia, Thailand, Sri Lanka, India, the Maldives, Kenya and Somalia on 26 December 2004.

As Senator Barbara Boxer pointed out, the choice of the word ‘wonderful' could scarcely have been more unfortunate, given the tragic effects which the tsunami had on the lives of vast numbers of ordinary people. Nonetheless, it is the case that natural disasters can create political and diplomatic opportunities as well as challenges, and in the wake of the tsunami, it is useful to highlight what some of these may be.

It is useful to begin with some of the challenges. These are likely to be vast when a large-scale disaster has occurred, and this is especially the case when more than one state is affected. In recent times, the term ‘complex humanitarian emergency' has been coined to describe events of this sort, although as Dr Fiona Terry has pointed out, it is ‘the international response that is more “complex”; proliferation in the number and type of actors in the field has exacerbated inherent dilemmas in the provision of humanitarian assistance' (Terry 2003: p280).

Four challenges in particular are worth noting.

The first is the challenge of time . Disasters by definition create casualties whose needs demand immediate attention. Often these are on a scale which overwhelms local authorities, creating an urgent need for external assistance. States which are positioned to provide such assistance quickly may win the gratitude of the beneficiaries. But even here, there are delicate issues which can arise. Iran , for example, attracted some criticism for declining Israeli assistance in the aftermath of the catastrophic Bam earthquake, although it is doubtful whether Israel would gladly have welcomed Iranian officials to its territory had Israel been the victim of a similar disaster.

The second is the challenge of mobilising resources . In the long run, money is the key requirement for reconstruction in the wake of major disasters, but needs may well outstrip the memories of both politicians and their publics in potential donor countries. It is also the case that many states have budgetary processes which are not geared to deal with long-term challenges, and which may have real difficulty in accommodating resource needs even in the short run. The sorry story of the failure of resources promised for Iraqi reconstruction to materialise on time is but one example of a wider problem, and it is a serious one.

The third is the challenge of allocating and prioritising resources . Where a disaster affects more than one country, how should resources be apportioned between the victims? Should need be the sole criterion for allocation, or should other factors (proximity to the donor, historical patterns of friendship or antagonism, the possibility of improving political relations via a generous aid program) be taken into account? These factors, of course, mirror those which can shape patterns of development assistance more generally. In addition, resources for disaster relief have alternative uses; a case for generous contributions may need to be argued in the face of opposition from competing interests. And even if a large package of assistance is approved, there may be fierce competition between different agencies keen to dominate the implementation phase and thus win credit for any successes — although as Count Ciano famously warned, failure is likely to be an orphan.

The fourth challenge is that of making best use of the institutions for the delivery of humanitarian aid . Some donor governments may seek to dominate the delivery of relief, perhaps through the deployment of their militaries, in ways which may prove controversial even in desperately needy countries. Should they instead seek to act in concert with like-minded powers (as Australia , the US , Japan and India contemplated after the 26 December tsunami)? Should they work through NGOs? Or should they make use of the architecture put in place after the United Nations General Assembly in Resolution 46/182 of 1991 moved to rationalise the operations of diverse UN agencies with a mandate to assist those in need? Each option carries political risks, as well as potential political and humanitarian benefits.

What, then, might some of the opportunities be? Here, the answer will vary from country to country, and from situation to situation. However, three specific types of opportunity can present themselves, depending on exactly what kinds of effects the disaster creates.

First are mass effects, those which arise at the level of the mass public in either the donor or recipient country. Ordinary people in the donor country may be sensitised through media reports to the vulnerability and suffering of people in the territory which the disaster has affected. Where the cause is natural rather than social and political, it may be easier for citizens to put themselves mentally in the place of the victims. It takes no great feat of imagination to visualise what a tsunami might do to Sydney or Melbourne. On the other hand, if hitherto-remote populations show a genuine interest in the suffering of the victims, then at least some of the victims and their fellow countrymen and women may reappraise stereotypical images they may hold of those who dwell elsewhere. Not everyone will do so (and some may even resent the mendicant status which often follows huge disasters) but enough may do so to make a difference.

Second are elite effects, pertinent to those who either help shape public opinion or make key political decisions. Elite hostility can often blight state-to-state relations even when people-to-people relations are amicable. When disasters strike, leaders can come to the aid of other leaders. Australia's package of $1 billion for Indonesia over five years in the wake of the tsunami has the potential to help rebuild elements of the Australia-Indonesia relationship which were deeply stressed as a result of Australia's maladroit handling of aspects of the East Timor situation in 1999 (Maley, 2000), although many other considerations also come into play in shaping the broader relationship.

Finally, disasters can have catalytic effects, especially when they occur in zones of internal conflict. These, however, are likely to be complex. If state decision-makers block aid to areas controlled by their opponents, in the hope of exploiting the humanitarian emergency to strengthen their own positions, the fallout in terms of heightened antagonism may be terrible. On the other hand, disasters can create openings for settling political problems if a sense of common humanity overwhelms the points of disagreement which otherwise separated the parties. When this happens, a door to effective peacemaking diplomacy may open.

William Maley, (2000), ‘ Australia and the East Timor Crisis: Some Critical Comments', Australian Journal of International Affairs , vol.54, no.2, pp.151-161

Fiona Terry, (2003) ‘Reconstituting whose social order? NGOs in disrupted states', in William Maley, Charles Sampford and Ramesh Thakur (eds), From civil strife to civil society: Civil and military responsibilities in disrupted states ( Tokyo : United Nations University Press, 2003) pp.279–299 at p.280

Multilateral Conferences: Purposeful International Negotiation ,

Professor Maley recently launched Mr Ronald A Walker's new book entitled Multilateral Conferences: Purposeful International Negotiation (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004) at a function co-hosted by the College and the University of New South Wales (UNSW) at the Australian Defence Force Academy (ADFA). Mr Walker, who conducts regular practical workshops for students of the College, is a former Chairman of the Board of Governors of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), and a diplomat of distinction.

Book Note

Ron Walker's Multilateral Conferences is an excellent addition to Palgrave Macmillan's series ‘Studies in Diplomacy'. Drawing on his wide range of experiences in multilateral diplomacy, Ron has produced a clear and orderly exposition of its purpose, processes and value. Multilateral conferences, as he rightly points out, have become a mainstay of diplomatic relations between countries; they produce standards, treaties, organisations and regimes. It is his hope that the book will be useful to diplomats — both serving and training. Given the stylish way in which it is written, it is a hope that has a good chance of being realised.

The book was completed while Ron Walker was a Visiting Fellow in the School of Politics at UNSW@ADFA. That was a perfectly proper appointment for a retired, distinguished diplomat for, at its most fundamental level, the study of politics is the study of decision-making. It was good to have a thoughtful practitioner of diplomatic decision-making to talk to students about how and why it was done. It seems particularly important nowadays in light of the aspersions that have been cast on multilateralism by the United States and, to a lesser extent, by Australia as well.

Ron's commitment to multilateralism, and especially to proper process, is clear. It has helped to shape a book that is a valuable contribution to the understanding and practice of diplomacy.

Dr David W. Lovell

Visiting Fellow
National Europe Centre, ANU

Prior to participating in the APCD program, Ms Al Essawi had been employed with Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Iraq for four years. One week before starting the APCD program Ms Al Essawi learnt she would return to Canberra for her first diplomatic posting.

A main benefit of the APCD program in her view was ‘the application of knowledge to our own particular circumstances, making it relevant to our country'. For example, the program covered elections and stability which was very timely. Through the program, Ms Al Essawi said she gained the confidence to present herself, her thoughts and her culture to those she meets in her profession, as well as giving her exposure to some of the political, economic, legal and cultural aspects of Australia . A highlight of the program was a visit to Melbourne , including Victorian Parliament and an AFL game, although she is quick to reassure us that it was good to return to Canberra !

Ms Al Essawi's hope for five years time is to have completed a successful posting in Australia and to return to Iraq to find it a stable and secure country, free and democratic. ‘' On behalf of my study colleagues, I would like to thank the Australian government and ANU for this opportunity. We hope this co-operation between Australia and Iraq will continue,' Ms Al Essawi said.

Dr Pauline Kerr took up an appointment as Fellow and Director of Studies at the Asia-Pacific College of Diplomacy in January 2004. Her previous positions were in the Department of International Relations at ANU and before that in the Departments of Foreign Affairs and Trade and Defence.

Dr Kerr brings to her new position in the APCD a long-standing interest and fascination with bridging the gap between the analytical and theoretical insights offered by academia and the practice of international relations and diplomacy. In her view the College is in a unique position to foster teaching and research that contributes to the connections between theory, practice and research across a range of issues in diplomacy and international relations. ‘Academics and diplomatic actors in the Asia-Pacific region are thirsty for knowledge that is founded on rigorous thinking and is relevant to the practice of diplomacy, negotiation and conflict management', she said.

‘Despite the constant reference to “process” as a quintessential characteristic of political life in this region, we really don't know much about the processes of diplomacy and negotiation. This is one key area that the College is focused upon and which comes into teaching the Master of Diplomacy and our short courses', she said.

Dr Kerr's own research is inspired by these connections between ideas and action: for example the idea of human security and how it is represented, communicated and acted upon in the Asia-Pacific as well as how the causes, dynamics and management of conflict resolution issues are represented and communicated and with what effect...

The primary aim of the newly established alumni pages in the College's website is to facilitate ongoing contact between students of the College once they complete their studies. Of course members of the alumni can contact the College, but they can also use the alumni pages to locate fellow alumni, or post messages to the alumni community at large.

Members can keep their current details up to date using the ‘Alumni Profile' page. Public categories include: APCD Qualification; Graduation Year; Current Country of Residence; Nationality; Current Employer; and Profession.

When viewing alumni profiles, College alumni can be located by criteria such as graduating year or program course, as well as searching for individuals by name.

These pages are available only to APCD alumni. Those without a username and password should apply to the ExecutiveOfficer.APCD@anu.edu.au. All students of the College are included in this community using the category of ‘conditional alumni': when students graduate their status is confirmed by the College.

In August 2004, ten Iraqi diplomats commenced an intensive five-week diplomatic study program at the APCD funded by the Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID). As well as providing an intensive study of Conflict Management & Negotiation, Security, Economics, Trade, Finance, Aid and Development, the syllabus addressed ‘Religion & Diplomacy', ‘Elections & State Stability' and ‘Restorative Justice'. To place their Australian based training in an Australian context, the diplomats visited Melbourne and Sydney.

For practical skilling the program included personalised training in computer skills, and meetings with practitioners: Justice Michael Kirby at the High Court; staff of the Australian Electoral Commission and New Parliament House; officers of the Departments of Foreign Affairs and Trade and Defence; and diplomats from the Embassies of Indonesia, China and the USA.

The course involved over 26 presenters representing 10 Centres at ANU as well as Flinders, Griffith , New England and Queensland Universities , and advisors from Foreign Affairs, Treasury, Industry and AusAID. The diplomats were very thankful for the program: as one commented, ‘the program was excellent'.

In 2004, the first six students received degrees from the College.This is a substantial achievement for both the students and the staff of the College in its inaugural year: yet Professor Maley, Dr Kerr and Ms Eldridge all comment on the fun as well as the challenge.

In a new program there is an inevitable exploration of what works and what does not. One of the first changes was the expansion of parallel workshop training by expert practitioners on practical issues supplementary to the formal lectures. Another success was the way the class successfully became a resource for themselves.

Getting to know one another professionally and personally, the class pooled their diversity of backgrounds and experience, with some being diplomatic officers and others not.

Having completed twelve months postgraduate study already, these students' enthusiasm for the subject was complemented by a confidence to engage in debate and critically analyse the knowledge presented to them. ‘I think that at a graduate level if you can have as diverse a class as possible it adds to the quality of the discussion, because different people bring different perspectives' said Professor Maley.

Developing such close relations between graduates is one of the benefits of the College's centralised and intensive programs. The College wishes their Class of 2004 all the best and hopes they have built friendships that will remain throughout their careers.

Pauline Kerr, William T. Tow & Marianne Hanson ‘The Utility of the Human Security Agenda for Policy Makers', Asian Journal of Political Science , vol.11, no.2, December 2003, pp.89-114

Pauline Kerr, ‘The Contemporary Security Situation in the Asia-Pacific: Challenges for Diplomacy', 2005 forthcoming publication by the Auckland War Memorial.

William Maley, ‘Refugees', in Robert Manne (ed.), The Howard Years ( Melbourne : BlackInc. Agenda, 2004) pp.144-166

William Maley, ‘Political Transition in Afghanistan : The State, Religion and Civil Society', in Political Transition in Afghanistan : The State, Islam and Civil Society ( Washington DC : Asia Program Special Report no.122, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, 2004) pp.9-14.

William Maley ‘State-Building and Political Development in Afghanistan ', in Masako Ishii and Jacqueline A. Siapno (eds), Between Knowledge and Commitment: Post-conflict Peace-building and Reconstruction in Regional Contexts ( Osaka : JCAS Symposium Series no.21, Japan Center for Area Studies, National Museum of Ethnology, 2004) pp.165-183.